Abstract
The Mengjin dialect exhibits both non-retroflex and retroflex types of er-diminutives. This paper focuses on the developmental sequence of retroflex er-diminutives, the emergence of the flap in retroflex er-diminutives, the stratification of rhotacized finals, and the replacement of non- retroflex er-diminutive finals with retroflex ones. We argue that the appearance of the flap results from the spreading of the retroflex feature either to apical initials or to the medial [i-/y-]. When the flap follows an apical initial, it indicates that the retroflex feature has extended leftward to the initial. When it appears after the medial [i-/y-], it suggests the retroflexion is limited to the medial. The flap thus reflects the articulatory response of apical initials or medials to retroflexion, forming a dynamic composite segment with the associated phoneme. The non-retroflex er-diminutives represent the indigenous, underlying rhotacized layer in the Mengjin dialect, while retroflex er- diminutives have emerged through contact with neighbouring dialects and belong to the loan layer. The replacement of non-retroflex er-diminutives with retroflex ones reflects a process of layered phonological change.
Key words
Mengjin /
non-retroflex er-diminutives /
retroflex er-diminutives /
flap /
layer
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Yanfeng Shi.
Er-diminutives in the Mengjin Dialect: On the Replacement of Non-retroflex Er-diminutive Finals with Retroflex Ones[J]. Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2025, 104(2): 823-844 https://doi.org/10.29499/CrCL.202507_104(2).0030
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