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30 April 2026, Volume 105 Issue 2
    

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    Special Topic: International Symposium on Silk Road Linguistics
  • Hang Wang, Redouane Djamouri
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 369-394. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0019
    This paper investigates applicative constructions in Northwestern Chinese dialects and compares them with those found in Mandarin Chinese. As in Mandarin, the applicative marker in Northwestern Chinese dialects typically derives from the verb gěi ‘give’, which is suffixed to the verb and serves to increase verbal valency. When occurring with trivalent verbs of giving, however, the applicative marker is optional and does not give rise to a valency-increasing effect. Applicative constructions in different Northwestern Chinese dialects display both shared and dialect-specific properties. The semantic roles of applicative objects are mainly beneficiaries and recipients. Influenced by contact with minority languages, the word-order patterns of applicative constructions across dialects show both convergence and divergence, forming a continuum in their distribution. Overall, applicative constructions marked by the suffix gěi ‘give’ constitute a salient grammatical feature of Northwestern Chinese dialect grammar.
  • Kin Wing Kevin Chan, Chenxuan Li
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 395-420. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0020
    The issue of how lexical words become coordinating conjunctions through grammaticalization has always interested scholars in linguistic typology, and, in recent years, many have examined the universal patterns of conjunction grammaticalization using cross-linguistic comparisons. This study is based on fieldwork from 2010 to 2025 and covers 1,533 coordinating conjunctions drawn from 426 languages and 367 Chinese dialects along the Silk Road, aiming to analyze their grammatical features and grammaticalization pathways. Two main findings are reported. (1) The grammaticalization pathways of coordinating conjunctions in Silk Road languages can be divided into “co-agent type” - which tends to link animate nouns - and “co-patient type” - which tends to combine inanimate nouns. (2) Many conjunctions in these languages are homophonous with numerals, leading to two subtypes: one where “and” corresponds to the numeral “one” (such as Georgian -dan ertad, Uyghur bilan), and the other where “and” aligns with the numeral “two” (such as Dongxiang guala in Gansu and Qinghai, and lia, liangge in some Mandarin dialects of the area). This research demonstrates the diversity of conjunctions in Silk Road languages, supplying important data and fresh insight for typological studies.
  • Tommy Tsz-Ming Lee, Xue Bai
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 421-440. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0021
    This paper investigates sluicing-like constructions (SCs) in Mandarin, Mongolian, and Uyghur, contributing to ongoing debates concerning the nature of anaphoric elements in SCs. Through a comparative analysis, we challenge existing diagnostics for distinguishing between surface and deep anaphora, which draws on the availability of “sloppy” identity readings (contra Wang & Wu 2006) or on the c-command condition on such readings (contra Wei 2009). We expand the current discussion by considering the availability mix “sloppy” readings as a diagnostic test and its correlation with (anti-)case-matching effects and facts about extraction from SCs. Our findings suggest that SCs in Mandarin and Uyghur involve deep anaphora, while SCs in Mongolian exhibit characteristics of surface anaphora. This research offers new insights into the typology of anaphora in SCs.
  • Yuanhao Bi
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 441-461. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0022
    The coordinative converb and the juxtaposed conjunction in Tongren Bonan language of Qinghai share the same form, ʥi, which can link VPs, NPs, clauses, and complex sentences. The coordinative converb -ʥi is a common form in Mongolic languages, but the juxtaposed conjunction ʥi did not arise through anti-grammaticalization of the converb. Rather, it developed through the deletion of ɡə from ɡəʥi, where ɡə is a verbalizer marker and ʥi a coordinative converb. ɡəʥi has long been used to construct juxtapositions of nominal derivative verbs, which, influenced by conjunction structures of local Amdo Tibetan, caused confusion over the nature of the juxtaposed constituents and the occurrence of reanalysis. The emergence of coordinate conjunctions has led to a transformation of the entire coordination type of Tongren Bonan, shifting it from a WITH-type language to an AND-type language.
  • Zetao Xu, Victor Junnan Pan
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 463-487. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0023
    From the perspective of language contact, the current research adopts corpus method to examine whether Chinese plural marking of Chinese-English bilingual children is influenced by English. The results show that unlike Mandarin speakers from Gan-Qing areas and Mandarin learners, the Chinese plural marking in bilingual children is almost not influenced by English. This is because at the age of 1-4, children have not yet acquired the rule of adding plural affixes to nouns to indicate plurality, but instead have acquire words as whole lexical items. The current study also compares the expression of plurality in Ganqing Mandarin, Jin Chinese, Southwestern Mandarin, Mandarin as a second language, and Chinese in Chinese-English bilingual children, further revealing the micro-level changes that have occurred in Chinese spoken in Ganqing area during its contact with Altaic languages.
  • Ruoyu Chen
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 489-512. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0024
    In the Gansu-Qinghai Sinitic varieties spoken in Northwest China, zhe denoting imperfectives is used as a typical non-finite marker, and thus typically fails to occur alone at the sentence-final position following the core predicate. However, a few exceptions exist in several Gansu-Qinghai Sinitic varieties where zhe occurs independently at the sentence-final position. Such deviant finite use is in obvious contradiction to its typical non-finite feature. From the dynamic perspective of finitization, the deviant finite use of zhe in the Gansu-Qinghai Sinitic varieties could be provided a more unified account. That is, the non-finite feature is the typical feature of zhe, whereas the finite use is a local and secondary phenomenon. And it is highly possible that the finite use has evolved from its non-finite feature through the dynamic and gradual process of formal finitization. The finitization of zhe is driven by the auxiliarization and particlization of the erstwhile core predicate following zhe, which essentially takes place within the framework of finiteness distinction in the Gansu-Qinghai Sinitic varieties. Rather than negating or deconstructing the finiteness system, the finitization of zhe could, on the contrary, further verify the existence of finiteness distinction in the Gansu-Qinghai Sinitic varieties.
  • Yun Guo
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 513-530. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0025
    In the Xinjiang Jimusar Chinese dialect, the probability adverb haohao is placed before negative adverbs and the negative forms of the potential verb-complement construcitions, weakening the degree of negation. Similarly, the adverb shen in the Jimusar Chinese dialect can be employed as both a probability adverb and a degree adverb. Its function as a probability adverb can be attributed to the subsequent evolution of its usage as a degree adverb. It is hypothesized that the probability adverb haohao may have emerged through the following path: the degree adverb hao was placed berore the negative structure, then overlapped and underwent an evolutionary process parallel to that of shen. The evolution of henhen in the Donggan language provides evidence for the evolution of haohao.
  • Mengyuan Tong
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 531-550. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0026
    Echo reduplication is widely used in the Altaiс language family. Based on data from 40 Altaiс languages, this paper provides the first comprehensive analysis of its forms and functions. The forms are categorized into three types: C-type (consonant replacement), V-type (vowel alternation), and CV-type (initial syllable modification), among which C-type is the most common and exhibits different patterns depending on whether the base form begins with m-. Its primary function is to express similarity or plurality, which has extended to convey negative evaluative meanings, and it can be used across different word classes. Drawing on internal and external linguistic evidence, this paper hypothesizes that echo reduplication initially emerged in the Turkic branch and was subsequently borrowed into the Mongolic and Tungusic branches through language contact.
  • Erdan Ye
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 551-575. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0027
    Buddhist texts constitute the principal body of extant Old Uyghur literature, traditionally recognized as being composed in a standardized written language. Based on the diachronic change of the Turkic language family, scholars generally agree that this written language remained essentially unchanged over the following centuries. However, a comparative analysis of the Old Uyghur translations against their source texts reveals significant historical evolution within the morphosyntactic system. Focusing on several Chinese Buddhist texts translated into Old Uyghur, this paper investigates the historical development of adverbial clauses. The parallel comparison demonstrates that, while translators employed native Uyghur syntactic devices to correspond to the source structures, there was a gradual increase in the use of conjunctions within adverbial clauses. Furthermore, specific leading particles, which correspond fixedly to the original texts, frequently appear at the beginning of main clauses, and various relative nominal constructions were analogically extended. Consequently, the language of these Buddhist translations exhibits increasingly prominent analytic syntactic features. This diachronic development of adverbial clauses further proves the impact of Buddhist scripture translation—a phenomenon of unnatural language contact—on linguistic evolution.
  • Ningbo Jia
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 577-590. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0028
    This article explores the impact on the Chinese language of three major historical language contacts, using the formation of jialai/jiaqu ‘come home/go home’ as a guiding thread. The foreign languages involved in these contacts shared the same typological profile - all were SOV languages with case-marking systems. Consequently, their overall influence on Chinese grammar progressively deepened in a particular evolutionary direction. Via the Silk Road, ancient Indian languages - first introduced to China via Chinese translations of Buddhist sutras - exerted a profound influence on Chinese. Many syntactic features that later became characteristic of Chinese had already begun to emerge in these Buddhist translations, and were often more prominent than in contemporaneous native Chinese writings. Jialai/Jiaqu appeared only sporadically after the second contact, increased gradually during the third contact, and eventually became integrated into the common Chinese language. The emergence of jialai/jiaqu was subject to interference from postpositional locative words, which were themselves influenced by case marking in the contact languages. Once external influence waned, internal grammatical pressures within Chinese suppressed the further expansion of postpositional constructions; only then did jialai/jiaqu come into being.
  • Xiaolu Xiang
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 591-610. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0029
    Dharmaksema (385-433 CE) was a renowned Buddhist monk of the Northern Liang Dynasty who translated numerous Buddhist scriptures. This paper examines the transcriptions of dhāraṇīs, proper names and aksara transliterations in his translations to explore the initial system of Hexi Chinese in the 5th century. The main conclusions are as follows: (1) Voiced obstruents were pronounced as unaspirated consonants; (2) Labiodental and bilabial consonants had not yet differentiated; (3) The duān group and zhī group were largely differentiated, with the zhī group pronounced as retroflex consonants; (4) The zhāng group were palatal consonants, and the chán initial was an affricate; (5) Voiced nasal initials were pure nasals without stop components; (6) The correspondances of the xiá initial fell into three categories. Overall, the initial system of Chinese reflected in Dharmaksema’s translations does not exhibit features that can establish a historical link with later Northwestern Chinese dialects, but rather aligns closely with the common language of his time. Moreover, the corresponding forms of the transliterated terms indicate that, while the underlying language of Dharmaksema’s translations contained some Prākrit elements, the degree of Sanskritization was already quite high. This also demonstrates the validity of using Sanskrit as an intermediary for phonological studies of early monks’ translations.
  • Chinese Language Studies
  • Bing Shen, Huayong Lin
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 611-636. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0030
    The resultative construction in the Haikou Min dialect predominantly adopts the “Verb-Object-Complement (VOC)” pattern, which significantly differs from Mandarin and most of the other Chinese dialects. This paper conducts a systematic investigation on the syntactic and semantic features, the applied range, and the nature of this construction. It is found that the VOC construction in the Haikou Min imposes relatively few restrictions on the object and allows flexible expression of modality, and that the construction is under the process of evolution, from a serial verb construction to a resultative construction, on a continuum of grammaticalization. Through cross-linguistic comparison and geographical distribution analysis, this paper reveals that the VOC construction in the Haikou Min bears a high degree of similarity to that of the neighbouring Kam-Tai languages such as Lingao. Moreover, it is widely distributed across multiple languages/dialects on the Hainan Island, having become an areal grammatical feature. The study demonstrates that the VOC construction in the Haikou Min dialect mainly derives from intense language contact with the Lingao language. The prevalence of the VOC construction in the Hainan region is a result of feature diffusion induced by language contact, rather than a simple retention of the split resultative construction in Archaic Chinese.
  • Ding Ding, Ziyi Huang
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 637-658. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0031
    The causative verb zhuo in early modern Chinese has experienced a process of “to place>to use>to cause”. The change of “to place>to use” is semantically resulted from the metonymy. And semantic metaphor and syntactic reanalysis are involved in the change of “to use>to cause”. The latter change is quite typical in ancient Chinese, which can also be seen from shi in archaic Chinese, qian in medieval Chinese, and shi in the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Evidence of dialects and typology demonstrates the relationship between semantic categories of instrumental and causative as well. The causative verb zhuo appeared in the Tang Dynasty and the Five Dynasties, developed in the Song, Yuan, and Ming dynasties, and declined quickly in the Qing Dynasty.
  • Xin He, Xiaogang Zhao
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 659-678. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0032
    Heijianglai is a frequently used temporal noun in the Jin dialect, mainly distributed in Shanxi, Shaanxi, and parts of Inner Mongolia. It derives from the “V + jiang + lai” construction in Late Mandarin. Its lexicalization was triggered by supernormal collocation, and further shaped by metaphor, metonymy, and analogy within specific syntactic structures and contexts. The specific lexicalization pathway of heijianglai can be summarized as: hei + jiang + lai (phrase) → hei + jianglai (phrase) → heijianglai (compound word). The degree of lexicalization of heijianglai varies across different sub-regions of the Jin dialect. The occurrence of retroflexion and the suffixation of “-zi” indicate a relatively high degree of lexicalization.
  • Yunbo Cao
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 679-704. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0033
    The “A huqi A/A'” structure is a unique pattern in Chinese for expressing semantic intensification, persisting from the pre-Qin period to the present day. Based on a constructional perspective, this paper systematically examines its historical evolutionary trajectory. The study finds that the constructionalization of this structure began with the trans-layered juxtaposition of hu and qi in the ancient period. It progressed through the initial framing and reanalysis in the medieval period, the deepening of construction and expansion of productivity in the early modern period, culminating in the convergence of schemas, prominence of prototypes, and complete constructionalization in the modern period. The constructional meaning evolved from early state depiction to the intensification of subjective extreme quantity and emotional expression. The core features of this constructional system are: a three-tier hierarchy of construction types, strong solidification of constants, components primarily being relative qualitative adjectives, and the intensifying constructional meaning emerging through juxtaposition, contrast, comparison, and pragmatic inference. Reanalysis, analogical extension, and conventionalization are important mechanisms for its formation, while the dual expressive needs of “elegance” and “popularity” serve as its motivation. Its success mainly stems from the effective expansion of extreme quantity expression, and the rise of vernacular Chinese was the ultimate force driving its complete constructionalization. During the process of constructionalization, the constant huqi exhibits infix-like features in form, but its nature and function must be understood within the construction as a whole, and it can be regarded as a constructional infix marker. This paper argues that the constructional perspective can provide a new analytical approach to the study of Chinese infixes.
  • Yu Qin
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 705-724. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0034
    By employing conceptual tools such as generalized quantity, upper/lower bound, and quasi-relation operation, this paper reinterprets the semantic functions of the adverbs cai and jiu: (1) Cai can associate with components on both sides or with right-side components, uniformly indicating “narrow reachability” - i.e., “the (left-side two-order) quantity quasi-relationally is less than or equal to (barely reaching) the right-side two-order quantity.” (2) Jiu is divided into jiua and jiub. Jiua is stressed and cannot be replaced by bian, associating solely with right-side components. It indicates “limitation”, meaning “the quantity quasi-relationally is less than or equal to (not exceeding) the right-side two-order quantity”. While sharing similarities with cai, it differs in that jiua tends to be static, whereas cai is dynamic. Jiub is unstressed and can be replaced by bian, associating with components on both sides. It indicates “easy accessibility” - i.e., “the left-side two-order quantity quasi-relationally is greater than or equal to (easily reaching) the right-side two-order quantity,” standing largely in opposition to cai and jiua.
  • Yanmin Qiao
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 725-750. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0035
    In the Jiyuan dialect, the word lia ‘two’ may follow two or more elements linked by gei ‘and, with’, forming the frame “…geilia”. The connected elements can be nouns, verbs, pronouns, adjectives, or nominal and verbal phrases. The study finds that the grammatical function of lia is closely related to its phonetic form: when pronounced with its original tone [lia51], lia carries a concrete meaning of “two”, and the syntactic structure is […gei […lia]]; when pronounced as [lia21], its meaning becomes grammaticalized, with lia referring back to the entire phrase as a comitative case marker, and the syntactic structure is [[…gei…] lia]. The comitative case marker lia in the Jiyuan dialect is a result of contact with the Mongolian language, replicating the grammatical evolution path of Mongolian: “dual number > comitative case”. The grammaticalization path of the postposition liangge (lia) in Chinese dialects evolves from the concrete meaning of “two” to a comitative case marker, then to an expanded dual number marker, and ultimately to a redundant element with its grammatical function fully dissolved.
  • Jia Zhuang
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 751-765. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0036
    In certain dialects of Qinlong and Guanzhong subgroups of the Zhongyuan Mandarin in the border area of Shaanxi, Gansu, and Sichuan, the modern pronunciations of nasal finals of the shen and zhen groups and zeng, geng, and tong groups in Middle Chinese show an incomplete merger between front and back nasal rhymes and their coda values. This differs from the mainstream Qinlong and Guanzhong dialects as well as the dialects of Chuanqian subgroup of Southwest Mandarin with which they are in contact. This regional language phenomenon stems from the partial merger of the Guanzhong dialect rhymes under dialect contact and the re-differentiation of coda values in the Qinlong dialect. It can be regarded as a typical example of the contact-induced evolution of the three major types of nasal finals of shen, zhen, zeng, geng, and tong groups across Chinese dialects (non-merger, complete merger, and partial merger). In this evolution, the combination of front high unrounded vowels and front nasal codas has gained absolute dominance by maximally conforming to the principle of linguistic economy.
  • Renping Ruan
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 767-782. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0037
    In the Xinbeng cluster of Zhongyuan Mandarin, the archaic rushenɡ characters including a voiced obstruent are currently articulated as yɑnɡpinɡ, whereas the rushenɡ characters with a voiceless consonant or sonorant present diverse results. These encompass arbitrary amalgamation into either yinpinɡ or yɑnɡpinɡ, or even transition to qushenɡ, among other alternatives. This paper examines the contemporary tonal patterns of ancient rushenɡ in Zhongyuan Mandarin and Jianghuai Mandarin, spoken in Henan and Anhui provinces, focusing on the types, geographical distribution, and underlying causes of the merging of ancient tone rushenɡ with voiceless consonants and sonorants. The research contends that the Xinbeng cluster of Zhongyuan Mandarin in Anhui was historically a component of the Hongchao cluster of Jianghuai Mandarin. Subsequent to the elimination of the glottal stop at the conclusion of rushenɡ syllables, the tone transitioned to a high-level tone (55), ultimately converging into a tonal pattern akin to either yɑnɡpinɡ or qushenɡ, both of which exhibit comparable pitch contours.
  • Qiang Deng, Jun Li
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 783-800. https://doi.org/10.65961/crcl-2026-0038
    Shaohan Su, a native of Kunming, revised the National Phonetic Alphabet system in his work Yuanlai Ruci by removing duplicate letters, clarifying the pronunciation of confusing letters, supplementing missing letters, and reconstructing the notation system. He reanalyzed the phonetic system using a rime table format with the newly formulated National Phonetic Alphabet to mark initials and finals. Comparison with the modern Kunming dialect shows that the book records the Kunming dialect of the 1920s. The revisions proposed in Yuanlai Ruci are grounded in the Kunming dialect, showcasing how scholars in regional dialect areas, inspired by the National Language Movement in the early Republic of China, actively explored using phonetic symbols to document living speech. The work ingeniously integrates phonetic notation with the traditional method of combining initials and finals in rime tables, a system with origins in the late Ming and early Qing Dynasties. This book illuminates the intergenerational connections among rime table theories, phonetic and orthographic reform ideas of the late Qing Dynasty, and the National Phonetic Alphabet Movement. It also serves as a precious historical document for studying Kunming dialect phonology one hundred years ago.
  • Sze-Wing Tang
    Current Research in Chinese Linguistics. 2026, 105(2): 801-801.