Based on a tri-domain perspective (content, epistemic, and speech-act), this paper examines the differentiation of “V qilai” in modern Chinese and the generative mechanism of its connective function. Corpus analysis reveals that “V qilai” exhibits a progressive differentiation across the three domains. In the content domain, it functions as a verb-complement structure, connecting actions syntactically through temporal sequences. In the epistemic domain, it serves as the initial component of the “V qilai AP” construction, establishing a perspectivized evaluative framework for supra-sentential inferential connection. In the speech-act domain, it acts as a discourse marker, organizing text through stance negotiation. The study shows that the three domains of “V qilai” form a continuum across three parametric systems: syntactic hierarchy (syntactic → supra-syntactic → textual), subjectivity (objective → subjective → intersubjective), and functional orientation (propositional → inferential → discursive). The connective function of “V qilai” results from the interaction of cognitive domain shifts, subjectivization, and syntactic regulation.

It is widely assumed that yi ‘one’-CL-NP phrases in Mandarin are consistently interpreted as indefinite, whereas numeral phrases with numbers greater than one can receive definite interpretations. This paper challenges that assumption, arguing instead that Mandarin numeral phrases do not intrinsically encode distinct semantic properties. The observed contrast in definiteness between yi-CL-NP and num(>1)-CL-NP phrases, as well as the apparent restrictions on the anaphoric use of yi-CL-NP, are best explained in terms of their competition with bare nouns. Adopting the principle Minimize DP! (Patel-Grosz & Grosz 2017), this paper proposes that when a yi-CL-NP phrase and a bare noun denote the same entity, and no independent factor licenses the former, the syntactically and semantically simpler bare noun is obligatorily preferred in definite contexts.

The modern Chinese sentence-final particle na has two origins: first, it derives from a phonetic change of a when the preceding word has an “-n” coda, denoted as na₁; second, it originates from the syllabic fusion of the sentence-final particles ne and a, denoted as na₂. Drawing on a series of Ho-Kian Fu dialect documents compiled by late Qing missionaries, and supplemented by Beijing dialect documents and contemporary Hebei dialect data, this study demonstrates from multiple perspectives the existence of the consecutive use of the sentence-final particles ne and a, thereby substantiating the plausibility of the syllabic fusion theory for na₂. After ne a fused into na₂, the mood expressed by na₂ has also developed from superimposed mood to composite mood. Specifically, in non-interrogative sentences, na₂ conveys a strong reminding mood; in interrogative sentences, it conveys a mitigated pragmatic force of reminder and inquiry (in information-seeking questions), or the speaker’s critical or reproachful stance (in rhetorical questions). Owing to its multifunctionality and high frequency, na₂ likely exerted an assimilative effect on na₁, which is homonymous and occupies the same syntactic position. This ultimately led to the merger of this portion of na₁ with na₂, together constituting the sentence-final particle na in modern Chinese.

This paper examines the semantic functions and diachronic evolution of the directional verbs luo and xia in Hakka dialects from the late 19th century to the 1950s. Initially, luo and xia exhibited semantic opposition related to their differing emphases on the reference frames of motion. Over time, however, their semantics gradually converged. Through diachronic and cross-dialectal comparisons, this study argues that this change resulted from semantic replication triggered by contact with Mandarin, which drove a renewed “secondary classification” within the directional verb system of Hakka dialects. This process ultimately led to a re-division between form and semantics.

The diachronic evolution of “V→S” of Chinese motion events has received great attention. However, there is still a controversy regarding whether “V→S” has been completed or not in Chinese history. This study advocates that Chinese motion event has finished the change of “V→S”, displaying a cyclical pattern of “V→E→S→(V)” (V being in parentheses indicates that Modern Chinese has not become a typical V-language). Adopting both qualitative and quantitative research methodology, this study follows the grammaticalization cline of the PATH verbs in Chinese and constructs a model of “The Cyclical Change of Chinese Motion Events”. To test the feasibility of the model, we conduct a quantitative study of the diachronic change of the PATH verb lai. This paper reveals that the transition of “V→S” had already been completed during the Song and Yuan dynasties, and since then Chinese tended to change from S-language to V-language. V-framed representations are tending to be predominant in Modern Chinese. The cyclical change in the lexicalization pattern of Chinese motion events is the result of the interaction between “clarity” and “economy”, and also the outcome of the influence of multiple factors, such as disyllabification, grammaticalization, and lexicalization. This study is a preliminary attempt to observe the evolution pattern of Chinese language from the perspective of “linguistic cycle”, which will stimulate deeper understandings of the Chinese typology and its diachronic changes.

Hang and me in the Wenshui (Hulan) dialect in Shanxi Province have many commonalities in syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. However, there are also obvious differences in expression function. Hang and me belong to the typical subjective evaluative morphology and are related to the subjective quantity, which is the relevant motivation behind the commonality of the two. Hang belongs to the subjective decrement and me belongs to the subjective increment, which lead to the difference in usage between the two.

Interrogatives can be categorized into polar questions and constituent questions based on the dichotomy of question types. The former seeks confirmation of the proposition put forth, while the latter seeks information specifically targeted by the interrogative constituent. In the Hanzhong dialect of Shaanxi, “…ba” interrogatives can also be divided into two types: the confirmation-seeking polar question with ba and the information-seeking constituent question “VP ba”. By analyzing the nature of ba and the usage, syntactic, and semantic characteristics of “VP ba”, we argue that “VP ba” essentially belongs to the category of A-not-A questions. Since the fact that the Hanzhong dialect is spoken in the transitional zone between Zhongyuan Mandarin and Southwest Mandarin, “VP ba” is inevitably influenced by multiple internal and external factors of the language system. There are four stages in the evolution from A-not-A questions to polar questions. “VP ba” is at the third stage of the evolution chain.

In a numeral-classifier phrase, the approximative duo has three possible syntactic positions: post-classifier, between the numeral and classifier, and within the numeral constituent. This paper terms this the floating phenomenon of approximative duo. Starting from this phenomenon and base on the cardinal-multiplier analysis and the phrase structure hypothesis for numerals, we proposes a novel analysis of the Chinese numeral-classifier structure: the Chinese “numeral” should be decomposed into a series of Cardinal Phrases (CardP), headed by a cardinal word (e.g., shi ‘ten’, bai ‘hundred’) and taking a multiplier word (e.g., yi ‘one’, er ‘two’) as its specifier. Within this analysis, the approximative duo is argued to be a special type of multiplier word, and classifiers are analyzed as special types of cardinal words. The essential nature of duo’s floating phenomenon is thus that duo functions as the multiplier for different cardinal words.

The adverb guozhen carries an independent syntactic function. It deals with the relationship between the preceding information and the current sentence, whose core meaning is “the aforementioned information has been verified”. The semantic structure of guozhen includes three parts: the information to be verified, the act of verification, and the result of verification, which reflect respectively the speaker’s epistemic stance of uncertainty, intention to seek verification, and acceptance of the verified result. The information state therefore changes from unverified to verified. The difference between guozhen and guoran lies mainly in the speaker’s attitude and the semantic functions they perform. With guozhen, speakers tend to take a skeptical stance, intending to verify the preceding information. With guoran, speakers often assume a believing stance, and the subsequent propositions typically support the preceding information. In some discourses, the speaker’s attitude may be omitted and their stance is unknown, making guozhen and guoran interchangeable. However, the semantic structures they activate remain different.

Guided by Semantics Grammar and based on corpus and logic, this study limits the syntactic environment of the preposition lun to the anti-expectation discourse of “quadratic contrast”, extracts its grammatical meaning as “expectation based on order”, and summarizes its construction feature as “interaction and juxtapositon”. Firstly, reviewing previous research, it is proposed that the preposition usage of lun needs to be described more delicately. Secondly, the syntactic-semantic structuring of lun is reconstructed at the level of discourse and it is pointed out that the lun construction must be placed in an anti-expectation discourse to become an utterance, be it in a typical turning discourse or an atypical out-turning-and-in-causal discourse. Thirdly, the syntactic collocation and semantic selection of lun are described and verified from the level of sentence, where it is pointed out that the requirement of anti-expectation discourse could be attributed to the construction’s one-sidedness, which is reflected in the “orderliness” of the fact-clause and the “preference” of the opinion-clause. Fourthly, the grammatical meaning of lun is generalized as “expectation based on order”, i.e. by positioning things within a certain frame of reference, a preferred expectation is generated, which in turn creates the need for quadratic contrast in communication. Therefore, all lun constructions arise from the question-answer interaction. Finally, this study reflects on the semantics research of prepositions.

The jiaomo-type words, functioning as verbs, adverbs, and conjunctions, occur in various forms. The most common form is the verb “jiao (pro) mo”, which derives from dissuasive-interrogative constructions of the pattern “jiao pro mo VP”, originally meaning “to allow to proceed unhindered”. Historically, these forms were carried into central regions by migrants from Jiangxi who settled in present-day Hunan and Hubei. Through grammaticalization, the verbal construction underwent syntactic reanalysis in certain contexts, evolving into a concessive conjunction equivalent to jinguan ‘despite’. These migrants outnumbered the local population in areas such as Huangzhou and De’an, leading to a contiguous distribution of jiaomo-type words in northeastern Hubei, while other regions exhibit a more scattered distribution. With further grammatical development in the Changyi dialect of Xiang, jiaomo-type verbs have been reanalyzed via inferential contexts into adverbs meaning “why not”. Geographically, jiaomo-type words are primarily distributed in the Huangxiao dialect and can be regarded as its dialect characteristic words.

The plural markers in the Guanzhong dialect primarily fall into four categories: the de type, the xie type, the men type, and the huo type. These plural markers exhibit certain differences in terms of geographical distribution, scope of application, and semantic expression. Among them, the plural marker men has the widest geographical distribution, while the plural marker xie has the narrowest. The plural markers men, de, huo, huoli, and xiege can only be attached to human-referring nominal elements to denote plurality, whereas the plural marker xie is not subject to this restriction and can also be attached to non-human-referring nominal elements to indicate plurality. The plural markers huo, huoli, and xiege can only express ordinary plural, while the plural markers men and de can express both ordinary plural and associative plural. The plural marker xie, on the other hand, can express ordinary plural, associative plural, and similative plural. The divergent origins of these plural markers are the primary reason for these observed differences.

This paper provides a systematic analysis of the syntactic structure of the “NP₁ + V + you ‘have’ + NP₂” construction in the Jiyuan dialect, examining the grammatical functions of you ‘have’ and exploring its grammaticalization process and conditions. The research findings are as follows: (1) You ‘have’ serves multiple functions, including possession, existence, completion-persistence, and focus marking, forming a continuum that ranges from “spatial existence” to “temporal completion”. (2) It has undergone an evolution characterized by a progression from “possession > existence > completion-persistence > focus marking”. (3) In comparison to Mandarin, high transitive verbs such as duo ‘chop’, chi ‘eat’, and you ‘swim’ can freely enter this construction in the Jiyuan dialect. Additionally, the role of “NP₁” has expanded from locative expressions to include agent subjects. (4) The grammaticalization of you ‘have’ is influenced by several factors: the reduction of verb reduplication prompts a reanalysis of the structure (V^D + you ‘have’ →V⁰ + you ‘have’), semantic appropriateness facilitates its transition from spatial contexts to temporal ones, and frequent usage accelerates its grammaticalization process. The multifunctionality of you ‘have’ in the Jiyuan dialect illustrates its evolutionary trajectory from being spatially driven to temporally driven.

Xiang serves as an incipient proximative marker in the Xuzhou dialect. Compared with fully grammaticalized proximative markers, it exhibits a wider range of syntactic and semantic properties characteristic of the early stages of grammaticalization. Drawing on the synchronic syntactic differences of xiang across its diverse semantic functions, a more comprehensive grammaticalization pathway from desiderative verbs to proximative markers can be constructed, enabling a deeper exploration of the evolutionary mechanism underlying this grammaticalization. Previous studies on proximative markers have rarely addressed the following syntactic features of xiang: (1) When the subject is a human and xiang is followed by a dynamic non-volitional situation, a distinction arises between subject-oriented and speaker-oriented readings, with the former encoding the subject’s perception; (2) When the subject is a human and xiang is followed by a dynamic volitional situation, xiang can convey the proximative reading only in highly constrained contexts, and in most cases retains its core desiderative meaning. According to feature (1), it is clear that the grammaticalization of desiderative verbs commences with the functional expansion of xiang to subsequent verbs. Taken together, features (1) and (2) demonstrate that the polysemous stage - where desiderative and proximative readings co-occur - emerges after the proximative has developed, rather than immediately following the desiderative verb stage.

This paper uses Teochew loanwords from Thailand, Vietnam, and Malaysia (recorded in Teochew dialect documents) as research material. By comparing syllable structure differences among overseas Teochew, Thai, Vietnamese, and Malay, it analyzes the selection mechanism adopted by consonants and vowels in different syllable positions during language contact, and summarizes the transformation rules and transliteration strategies of loanwords. The study finds that: (1) In Southeast Asian Teochew, loanwords are incorporated through syllable matching based on relative phonological similarity. (2) The phonological inventory and inventorial syllables of Teochew play a key role in the transliteration of loanwords. (3) Over the past century, the direction of phonetic evolution in Teochew has remained consistent both at home and abroad, reflecting frequent communication among Teochew communities worldwide.

Through the analysis of dialect materials from the Tang and Song dynasties, the Ming and Qing dynasties, and the modern era in Northwest China, it is found that in the northwest dialects during the Tang Dynasty and the Song Dynasties, the de, mai, mo-II rhymes (three Middle Chinese rhyme categories) had already been merged, with the main vowel being [e]. In a few cases, [e] was raised to [i], which led to the merger with the zhi, xi, xi rhymes (three Middle Chinese rhyme categories). During the Western Xia period, after these vowels reached the highest degree of raising, they began to undergo breaking, following the pattern of e > i > iə > ie. Such phonetic changes continued and developed in the Lanyin Mandarin of the Ming and Qing dynasties and in the modern Jin dialect. From the perspective of the identity and difference of phonetic changes, this characteristic of the Northwest Chinese dialects is of a cognate nature, not a result of contact-induced convergence. Under the influence of the Central Plains Mandarin, this phonetic change in the northwest dialects gradually retreated. Nowadays, it is only limited to the Jin dialect and the Lanyin Mandarin, mostly involving labial initial characters, and shows a declining trend. Rounded syllables do not participate in this phonetic change, and the phonetic changes of yangsheng rhymes and rusheng rhymes are not synchronized.

We discuss a method of identifying verbal classifiers in archaic and early medieval Chinese based on the analysis of two groups of words: zā, zhuàng, bèi and fā, hé, xíng. We point out that the task of identifying verbal classifiers is to decide whether X in the sequence “Verb (+Obj) + Numeral + X” is a verbal classifier. We provide the syntactic structure of the sequence when X is a noun, a nominal classifier, a verb, or a verbal classifier respectively as the basis for deciding the grammatic identity of X. In contrast to previous work that views the two groups of words as verbal classifiers, we argue that the first group should be identified as nouns and the second group should be identified as verbs to better account for their distributions. Based on the analyses of the two groups of words, we suggest that one should rely on syntactic analysis instead of semantic interpretation of the sequence above to decide whether X is a verbal classifier.

The de-type compound marker gezai in early Wu dialect literature has tense-aspect functions. Compared to zai, gezai cannot report hot news in on-site context. In narrative discourse, VP+gezai can only show non-main event line and cannot advance the event chain forward, whereas VP+zai has no such restriction. This distinction indicates different tense-aspect meanings encoded by gezai and zai. Gezai denotes the relative-past tense and expresses the completion of an event before the reference time, while zai denotes the meaning of “change of event” besides relative-past tense.

The present study focuses on the syntax of the sentence-final particle gaa3 in Cantonese from a cartographic perspective. Gaa3 can be observed in three distinct constructions (exclamative, declarative and interrogative) with respect to five different contexts (plain statement, simple information-seeking question, exclamation, warning, and quick-answer-demanding question). By examining the grammatical properties and interpretations of each gaa3, this paper offers a unified syntactic analysis for the different occurrences of gaa3. We argue that Tang’s (2020) framework can well account for the different occurrences of gaa3, which involve different underlying movements. This adds weight to the neo-perfomative approach which aims at syntacticizing properties of speech acts with a fine-grained hierarchy at the left periphery.

There is a unique AAAA pattern in Hakka dialects. It is generated through quadruplication of a monosyllabic word (or morpheme), with tonal variation involving rises and falls in pitch. Such forms are typically used as adjectives that are characterized by vividness and emphasis. Comparative analysis shows that the tonal variation is not necessarily linked to tonal categories, but is related to tonal types. Combinations of suprasegmental features such as pitch and duration have solidified into prosodic patterns in Hakka dialects. With the expansion of the semantic range and the influence of analogical processes, AAAA words undergo lexicalization and become prosodic words. Subsequently, some verbs and a few adjectives enter this prosodic structure, and through quadruplication, they develop into adjectives that imitate the situation. While retaining some of the original semantic features of the base form A, the AAAA pattern acquires additional semantic properties, including [+imitative (including onomatopoeic)], [+dynamic], [+continuous process], and [+intensified degree]. AAAA patterns in Mandarin and other Chinese dialects serve as morphological devices. In contrast, they function as word-formation mechanisms in Hakka dialects.

The article examines the corresponding particle of de in Penang Hokkien, a Southern Min variety used in Malaysia, which is [e¹³]. We first distinguish three usages of the sentence-final particle [e¹³] in Penang Hokkien: as a modifier marker, used in clefts, and in sentence-final position. We then examine the syntactic level of the sentence-final [e¹³] in Penang Hokkien while also discussing the system of sentence-final particles in Mandarin. We find that the sentence-final [e¹³] is within the CP layer, specifically in AssertionP. This projection is higher than OnlyP, but lower than Degree SFPs, including focus particles. Despite being in the same projection, Mandarin’s sentence-final de and Penang Hokkien’s sentence-final [e¹³] differ both grammatically and semantically. The article also demonstrates the periphery structure of Penang Hokkien through the order and co- occurrence of sentence-final particles.

In Standard Mandarin, when the sentence-final particles de and le₂ co-occur, examples can be found where de precedes le, as well as where de follows le. After differentiating between various uses of de and le through independent syntactic evidence, these distributions can be explained. However, in Chaoyang Min, the order of the elements seemingly corresponding to Mandarin’s de and le does not at all align with predictions based on the syntactic-functional analysis in Mandarin. When the A-not-A questions with de’s dialectal counterparts in Wu and Cantonese are also taken into comparision, it is all the more obvious that the de counterpart in Chaoyang Min shows a strong tendency to position itself close to the predicate. Based on the conjunction analysis of sentence-final particles, these differences can be generalized as a single parameter: whether the initial internal conjunction always chooses de.

This study focuses on native speakers of the Lahu language and investigates the language processing mechanisms of Lahu nouns and verbs using ERP experiments with vocabulary judgment tasks. The results reveal that there are semantic differences between the categories of nouns and verbs in Lahu language, especially in the early and late processing stages. In the early stage, a direct mapping from phonological form to conceptual representation is observed, with Lahu nouns eliciting a more positive P2. The middle stage involves deep semantic analysis, where Lahu verbs elicit a more negative N400 than nouns. In the late stage, the reconfirmation of semantic information occurs, and Lahu nouns elicit a more positive LPC compared to verbs.

The Mengjin dialect exhibits both non-retroflex and retroflex types of er-diminutives. This paper focuses on the developmental sequence of retroflex er-diminutives, the emergence of the flap in retroflex er-diminutives, the stratification of rhotacized finals, and the replacement of non- retroflex er-diminutive finals with retroflex ones. We argue that the appearance of the flap results from the spreading of the retroflex feature either to apical initials or to the medial [i-/y-]. When the flap follows an apical initial, it indicates that the retroflex feature has extended leftward to the initial. When it appears after the medial [i-/y-], it suggests the retroflexion is limited to the medial. The flap thus reflects the articulatory response of apical initials or medials to retroflexion, forming a dynamic composite segment with the associated phoneme. The non-retroflex er-diminutives represent the indigenous, underlying rhotacized layer in the Mengjin dialect, while retroflex er- diminutives have emerged through contact with neighbouring dialects and belong to the loan layer. The replacement of non-retroflex er-diminutives with retroflex ones reflects a process of layered phonological change.

The particle [kɤ] (including its phonetic variants) is widely used as structural particles in southeastern Chinese dialects, showing a remarkable areal feature. [kɔ³³] in Yangchun Cantonese in western Guangdong can be used as classifier, demonstrative, structural particle, and sentence-final particle synchronically. In the construction “subject+copula+VP+[kɔ³³]+NP”, [kɔ³³] can be interpreted either as a structural particle or a sentence-final particle with the omission of the head NP. It has been conventionalized as a dedicated sentence-final particle eventually. Comparison with the other Chinese dialects and several non-Chinese languages in southeastern China indicates that allowing the omission of the head NP in the construction “subject+copula+VP+[kɤ]+NP” is the necessary but not sufficient condition for the formation of the sentence-final usage of [kɤ] as structural particles.

The sentence-final particle ge in the Anyuan Dialect shares functional similarities with Mandarin Chinese de, with its core discourse function being to mark the speaker’s assertion towards realistic events and epistemic commitment towards unrealistic events. Other functions of ge/ de, such as explanation, refutation, correction, and reminder, emerge from this core function through interactive contextualization. Notably, the sentence-final ge in the Anyuan Dialect further emerges mirative mood, as well as pursuit questioning, confrontational challenging, admonition, suggestion, and directive functions, with certain functions exhibiting a higher degree of conventionalization.

In the Poyang Gan dialect, the sentence final particle [kɯ] has two pronunciations: an unstressed [kɯ⁰] and a stressed [kɯ¹⁴]. The unstressed [kɯ⁰] corresponds to the Mandarin sentence-final particle de though there are differences in specific usage. Based on its function, [kɯ⁰] can be divided into [kɯ⁰]_Confirmation and [kɯ⁰]_Focus. The stressed [kɯ¹⁴] is mainly used in the “V+ zhi (+O)+[kɯ¹⁴]” structure, emphasizing that the verbal event has been completed. In this context, it serves a partial perfect aspect function. Through a detailed discussion of the two forms of [kɯ], this paper argues that the functional evolution of the two forms of [kɯ] follows the progression: [kɯ⁰]_Focus > [kɯ⁰]_Confirmation > [kɯ¹⁴].

On the basis of an extensive investigation of historical literature in Cantonese, it is proposed that the adverbs referring to cai in the Guangzhou dialect has undergone two diachronic substitutions of the dominant word since the early Qing dynasty. Zheng was the primary expression form, which was replaced by zhi by the early 19th century, and then by xian in the mid-20th century. The disyllabic word xianzhi has seen an increase in usage frequency since its emergence, but it has always been in a secondary position. The replacement and diffusion of the adverbs like cai in Cantonese have created a geographical distribution pattern of such adverbs in modern Yue dialects. This study has enlightening significance in examining the kinship, evolution speed, evolution mechanism, and literature nature of Chinese dialects.

This paper comprehensively describes the functions of the conjectural particle [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] in the Yangjiang Yue dialect, along with its pragmatic functions. It contrasts [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] with [kwa³³] in the Guangfu Yue dialect and [pa⁰] in Mandarin. Based on a synchronic analysis, the study reconstructs the grammaticalization pathway and pragmatic extension trajectory of [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹], while exploring the origin of its conjectural meaning. The findings demonstrate that [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] has undergone a grammaticalization process from conjectural adverb to conjectural particle. Both of its pragmatic functions emerging in discourse derive directly from the pragmatic extensions of its core conjectural semantics. Furthermore, the conjectural semantics likely originate from the earlier function of [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] as a degree adverb. This functional expansion not only represents a new case of the adverb > modal particle grammaticalization pattern in the Yue dialect but also corroborates the cross-linguistically attested extension model: quantity > epistemic modality > pragmatic function, which is observed in Chinese and even the world languages.

The disyllabic tentative marker kanqiao in the Nanjing dialect conveys meanings of both attempt and warning, each exhibiting distinct syntactic distributions. Kanqiao is derived from the contraction of kankanqiao and has undergone grammaticalization to become a tentative marker through syntactic reanalysis. Kanqiao mostly conveys the meaning of pseudo attempt (warning), showing functional differentiation from the monosyllabic tentative markers kan/qiao, which typically indicate genuine attempts. This phenomenon is prevalent in Chinese dialects, and its fundamental motivation lies in the different perspectives of human cognition and understanding of the attempted action.

The plural markers of the Yixian dialect in Anhui Province are nong and wu. Nong is essentially an associative plural marker derived from nouns denoting people. It usually follows highly identifiable personal pronouns or proper nouns, indicating a group of people associated with the core noun. Wu is essentially a similative plural marker originating from nouns referring to objects. It typically follows non-specific inanimate nouns or verb phrases, denoting a category of items or events sharing similar characteristics with the core noun. Nong and wu can be regarded as two different manifestations of the same plural function, with their differences arising from their distinct etymological sources.

The grammaticalization of content words is an important aspect in the study of Chinese grammar. This paper examines the multifunctional usage of hou in the Hanshan dialect and finds that hou can be used as both a verb and a conjunction. As a conjunction, it introduces time clauses and conditional clauses; however, its ability to introduce counterfactual conditionals is less developed compared to Mandarin. The paper also explains the motivation and mechanism of the grammaticalization of hou from a verb to a conjunction in terms of syntactic semantics, context, and invited inference. It gives indirect evidence supporting the analysis of hou as a conjunction.

This article explores the phonology of the dialect spoken in the Ailing area of Yangzhou during the Qing Dynasty, based on the analysis of a newly discovered dialectal rhyme dictionary. Building upon this historical foundation, modern dialect materials are employed to systematically trace the phonological evolution of the Ailing dialect since the Qing Dynasty. The results reveal that over the past century, the evolution of Ailing dialect is intricate, encompassing changes driven by both internal and external factors. Internal factors encompass phenomena such as *ɻ>l/__Hongyin, *ɻ>∅/i___, *ɻ>∅/i____,*ts^ʰ、s>tɕ^ʰ、ɕ/i____,*iʔ>ieʔ. External factors, conversely, account for phenomena such as the loss of aspiration in voiced initials with the oblique tone, alterations in the pronunciation of colloquial and literary readings of Division-Ⅲ rhymes within the Jia (假) rhyme group, the disappearance of the colloquial pronunciation of Division-Ⅰ nasal coda rhymes in the Xian and Shan rhyme groups, and the reclassification of shangsheng tone with voiced initials into qusheng tone. Particularly noteworthy is the evolution of the dialect in the Ailing area, which has undergone a transition from the Tairu dialect region to the Hongchao dialect region.

The sentence-final [kai⁵⁵] in the Chao’an dialect can be classified as [kai^55-21]_focus and [kai^55-21]_confirm, based on the “[kai^-42]...[kai^55-21]” construction, which serves functions of past-focus and affirmation. However, [kai^55-21]_focus cannot independently serve as a focus marker, nor can [kai^55-21]_confirm function alone as a modal particle. They both require co-occurrence with [kai⁴²] in the “[kai⁴²]...[kai^55-21]” construction. The evolutionary paths of sentence-final [kai⁵⁵] in the Chao’an dialect include: (1) quantifier → indefinite pronoun → definite pronoun → copula → contrastive focus marker; (2) quantifier → indefinite pronoun → definite pronoun → structure auxiliary → contrastive focus marker. The functional development of “[kai^-42]...[kai^55-21]” construction follows the path: Expressing judgment → Marking contrastive focus → Expressing confirmatory mood.