Verbal le in Standard Mandarin is commonly recognized as a perfective marker, typically used to denote bounded events. However, some sentences containing verbal le are more likely to be interpreted as expressing unbounded, durative events. While many scholars argue that such sentences still assert bounded events, with the durative reading resulting from the specific lexical meaning of the verb, this paper proposes that these sentences with verbal le can indeed assert unbounded events. In such interpretations, verbal le marks a stative-imperfective aspect, and the verb indicates a certain state. These factors often interact with the stative constructional meaning of existential sentences with a locative subject, collectively leading to the assertion of event duration. We hypothesize that the functional evolution of verbal le from perfective aspect to stative-imperfective aspect mainly takes place in the construction “verb denoting attachment or maintenance + verbal le + object”. At present, the use of verbal le to indicate the imperfective remains in its early developmental stage, which limits its distribution. In addition, the paper presents two findings. First, the resultative states implied by predicates bearing verbal le fall into four categories, and predicates marked by the imperfective le refer solely to the persistence of the object’s state. Secondly, verbs compatible with the imperfective le generally denote attachment or persistence, and feature both dynamic and static properties. When collocating with the imperfective le, these verbs perform a predominantly static function.

The syntactic derivation of Chinese V-V resultative constructions is one of the central topics in the literature of generative linguistics. This paper adopts Sybesma’s (2017) inner aspect analysis for Chinese, arguing that the resultative secondary predicate (V2) is syntactically higher than the main verb (V1). Following Collins’ (2024) Merge-based Theory of Argument Structure (MTAS), this study re-examines the argument structure of Mandarin V-V resultative constructions and assumes that both the external argument and the internal argument are introduced by functional heads, i.e., v and v_IA. The construction of argument structure is constrained by Argument Criterion. Accordingly, a dynamic derivation mechanism for Chinese V-V resultatives is proposed in this paper. Under the mechanism, different variants of resultatives dynamically select appropriate argument-introducing heads (AIHs) to introduce their arguments. The V1-V2 cluster is derived by V1-to-V2 head movement, which avoids the theoretical and empirical conflicts raised in previous studies. The derivation mechanism under MTAS shows its economic and explanatory power in deriving various V-V resultative variants, including object-oriented transitive resultatives, subject-oriented transitive resultatives, and intransitive resultatives.

This paper treats the negative form of metaphor “XP you bu shi YP” (e.g., Wo you bu shi ni duzi li de huichong. ‘I am not the roundworm in your stomach.’) as a Negative Metaphor Construction. In this construction, the constant component you bu shi provides the construction with its fundamental grammatical relations and semantic interpretations: you as an adverb intensifies negation, bu is the negation marker, and shi is the copula. The variable components XP and YP influence the subtype categorization of the construction and its functional differentiation across communicative contexts: XP exhibits strong topicality, whereas YP is characterized by descriptivity. The constructional meaning of the Negative Metaphor Construction “XP you bu shi YP” is as follows: by negating the metaphorical proposition “XP is YP (XP is like YP)”, the speaker/writer expresses a negative evaluative stance toward a real-world situation or a verbal viewpoint. In the generation of this construction, it undergoes a path from establishing a metaphorical relation, to negating the metaphorical proposition, and then to reinforcing the force of negation, during which multiple interaction mechanisms, metaphorical mechanisms, and pragmatic inference mechanisms play crucial roles.

Question-response continuity is an important topic in conversation research. From the perspective of Interactional Linguistics, this paper investigates the phenomenon of topic changes following questions in Chinese conversation. Based on the observation of nearly 38 hours of conversational data, topic changes following questions are found to be situated in the middle of a three-part sequence. After a question, they implement a response action, while the initiating action simultaneously performed serves as the action vehicle for the response. When functioning as responsive actions, two core interactional functions emerge in talk-in-interaction: implicit negation and evasive answering, which also constitute the principal types of this conversational phenomenon. When functioning as initiating actions, they share the interactional functions of launching a new topic and sequence and eliciting evaluative responses. In addition, the evasive-answer type also exhibits more specific interactional functions, such as triggering conversational repair and compressing the conversational process. The interactional factors, such as redirecting the trajectory of epistemic negotiation, reverse regulation of social distance, reducing interaction engagement, and mitigating the disaffiliative stance, interact with each other, shaping this unique phenomenon in conversational interaction.

Gaishi in the Lüliang Cluster of the Jin Dialect functions as a modal adverb and a discourse marker. As a modal adverb, it expresses four meanings: “confirmation”, “questioning”, “fortunately”, and “regrettably”. The latter two meanings often occur in complex sentences, with strong correlative function. Based on a detailed description of the multi-functions of gaishi, this paper reconstructs its evolution. It points out that the word first lexicalizes from a syntactic structure into a confirmation modal adverb in declarative sentences, and into a questioning modal adverb in interrogative sentences; subsequently, the confirmation modal adverb further develops into the discourse marker gaishime and a modal adverbial with correlative function.

This paper investigates the tag questions in Xinyang Mandarin, with a particular focus on their intonation patterns and interactional hierarchy. The meaning types of tag questions can be classified into judgmental and attitudinal. According to whether subjectivity is involved, tags are further divided into neutral questions and subjective questions. Their intonation patterns are attached to sentence-final interjections or particles, fusing with the existing phonological system and tonal inventory; while the default contour is low, subjective questions adopt a high tone to strengthen interactivity. The tags function as independent sentence units and show a tendency toward grammaticalization into particles. Interjectional tags are undergoing a process of cliticization to develop into sentence-final particles. Based on the Interactional Spine Hypothesis, the interactive structure of tag questions can be divided into distinct layers: the anchor clause belongs to the Propositional layer, while the tag clause lies at the transition from the Ground layer to the Response layer. The sentence-final intonation pattern is located within the Response layer.

In the Gaoping dialect of Jin, mékàn functions not only as a verb phrase but also as a discourse marker. It exhibits three semantic types: explanatory, seeking affirmation, and mitigating opposition, all of which highlight the emphatic function of mékàn. Mékàn is a continuation of the discourse marker méikàn from the Ming and Qing dynasties. Initially a verb phrase meaning ‘did not see’, méikàn later could also express the speaker’s subjective judgment or evaluation, typically in rhetorical questions. Since rhetorical questions convey an inherent negative meaning, the negative sense of the negator méi gradually faded. Consequently, méikàn evolved into an emphatic marker that emphasizes the subsequent proposition. Although ellipted from a rhetorical question, it still retains its rhetorical force. The semantic types of mékàn differ completely from those of the discourse marker biékàn due to their different negators, whereas they overlap slightly with those of nǐkàn. Nevertheless, as “X kàn” discourse markers, they all mark emphasis and share a largely similar evolutionary path.

Early Western missionary documents on the Ningbo dialect reveal the coexistence of two directional verb-complement structures: “V dan + Dp/DpDd” and “V le + Dd”. The former represents an indigenous innovation within the dialect, while the latter – corresponding to the de-type directional construction in Mandarin – was borrowed from the lingua franca. In the contemporary dialect, the “VX + Directional” structure likewise exhibits both indigenous and borrowed forms, both converging toward the directional complement pattern. Cross-dialectal asymmetries in “VX + Directional” constructions reflect a four-stage grammaticalization pathway: “VX + Dp/lai/qu/DpDd” → “VX + lai/qu/DpDd” → “VX + lai/qu” → “VX + lai”. This progression demonstrates that the hierarchy for incorporation of directional elements into the verb-complement structure is: Dp > DpDd > Dd. Crucially, the element “X” in “VX + Directional” is not a structural particle or complement marker but functions as an anterior marker.

Analects 9.10 states that, “Zi jian zicui zhe, mian yichang zhe yu guzhe, jian zhi, sui shao, bi zuo; guo zhi, bi qu. ‘When the Master saw a person in a mourning dress, or any one with the cap and upper and lower garments of full dress, or a blind person, on observing them approaching, though they were younger than himself, he would rise up; and if he had to pass by them, he would do so hastily.’” Most scholars interpret the two jian as ‘see’, ‘meet’ or ‘encounter’, and guo as ‘pass by’, and punctuate the text accordingly. Such interpretations and punctuation result in semantic repetition, contradiction with the main idea of the chapter, and structural imbalance. This essay argues in favour the view advanced by Yu Yue and Qian Mu that the first jian covers the meanings of both the second jian and guo. Guo here means ‘pay a visit’. The two jian differ in meaning: the first means ‘meet with’, and the second ‘grant an audience’. The key point of punctuation in this chapter is that a colon should be placed after guzhe ‘a blind person’. This clause presents the general situation, while the latter two jian zhi, sui shao, bi zuo ‘upon receiving them, though they were younger than himself, he would rise up’ and guo zhi, bi qu ‘when visiting them, he would hasten his pace’ are the two specific instances of jian ‘meet with’ mentioned in the first clause.

The article “Multiple Perspectives on Linguistics Terminology” is co-authored by chief editors and editorial office representatives from the linguistics journals indexed in the Chinese Social Science Citation Index (CSSCI). In this article, they elaborate on the frontier fields and reflections in contemporary Chinese linguistic terminology research, address issues in the systematisation, standardisation, innovation, translation, dissemination, and construction of knowledge system of terminology in linguistics and the humanities and explore the role of academic journals in supporting and guiding terminology research.