The de-type compound marker gezai in early Wu dialect literature has tense-aspect functions. Compared to zai, gezai cannot report hot news in on-site context. In narrative discourse, VP+gezai can only show non-main event line and cannot advance the event chain forward, whereas VP+zai has no such restriction. This distinction indicates different tense-aspect meanings encoded by gezai and zai. Gezai denotes the relative-past tense and expresses the completion of an event before the reference time, while zai denotes the meaning of “change of event” besides relative-past tense.

This paper describes the sentence-final particle keh in declarative and interrogative sentences in Jinhua Wu dialect. In declaratives, keh exclusively occurs in verbal predicate clauses but is barred from nominal predicate clauses, typically conveying confirmatory assertion. In interrogatives, keh optionally appears under pragmatic conditions to reinforce interrogative force, signalling high response expectations of the speaker. The study further compares functions of sentence-final de- type particles across seven Wu dialects, revealing their robust functional development in all cases, with Jinhua dialect being particularly prominent. Specifically, keh exhibits syntactic obligatoriness in assertions of confirmation, and its functionality has historically expanded to yes-no questions, alternative questions, and tag questions, serving to strenthen interrogative force and heighten interactive expectations.

There is a sentence-final particle [kəʔ] that expresses realis existence in Haimen dialect. The nature of the particle differs from the focal marker [kəʔ] and the modal particle [kəʔ]. Depending on the semantic type of the predicate, [kəʔ] can be divided into three forms: [kəʔ]_past, which expresses the existence of past events, [kəʔ]_static, which indicates the existence of static states, and [kəʔ]_habitual, which denotes the existence of habitual events. All three forms are used obligatorily. Notably, [kəʔ]_habitual can appear in negative sentences, while [kəʔ]_past and [kəʔ]_static cannot. Functionally, all three forms encode the “existence” aspect, with [kəʔ]_past also indicating past tense and [kəʔ]_static conveying an affirmative tone. The sentence-final particle [kəʔ] in Haimen dialect demonstrates that the sentence-final particle ge in Wu dialect has a tense-aspect function.

The particle [kɤ] (including its phonetic variants) is widely used as structural particles in southeastern Chinese dialects, showing a remarkable areal feature. [kɔ³³] in Yangchun Cantonese in western Guangdong can be used as classifier, demonstrative, structural particle, and sentence-final particle synchronically. In the construction “subject+copula+VP+[kɔ³³]+NP”, [kɔ³³] can be interpreted either as a structural particle or a sentence-final particle with the omission of the head NP. It has been conventionalized as a dedicated sentence-final particle eventually. Comparison with the other Chinese dialects and several non-Chinese languages in southeastern China indicates that allowing the omission of the head NP in the construction “subject+copula+VP+[kɤ]+NP” is the necessary but not sufficient condition for the formation of the sentence-final usage of [kɤ] as structural particles.

The sentence-final particle ge in the Anyuan Dialect shares functional similarities with Mandarin Chinese de, with its core discourse function being to mark the speaker’s assertion towards realistic events and epistemic commitment towards unrealistic events. Other functions of ge/ de, such as explanation, refutation, correction, and reminder, emerge from this core function through interactive contextualization. Notably, the sentence-final ge in the Anyuan Dialect further emerges mirative mood, as well as pursuit questioning, confrontational challenging, admonition, suggestion, and directive functions, with certain functions exhibiting a higher degree of conventionalization.

In the Poyang Gan dialect, the sentence final particle [kɯ] has two pronunciations: an unstressed [kɯ⁰] and a stressed [kɯ¹⁴]. The unstressed [kɯ⁰] corresponds to the Mandarin sentence-final particle de though there are differences in specific usage. Based on its function, [kɯ⁰] can be divided into [kɯ⁰]_Confirmation and [kɯ⁰]_Focus. The stressed [kɯ¹⁴] is mainly used in the “V+ zhi (+O)+[kɯ¹⁴]” structure, emphasizing that the verbal event has been completed. In this context, it serves a partial perfect aspect function. Through a detailed discussion of the two forms of [kɯ], this paper argues that the functional evolution of the two forms of [kɯ] follows the progression: [kɯ⁰]_Focus > [kɯ⁰]_Confirmation > [kɯ¹⁴].

In Standard Mandarin, when the sentence-final particles de and le₂ co-occur, examples can be found where de precedes le, as well as where de follows le. After differentiating between various uses of de and le through independent syntactic evidence, these distributions can be explained. However, in Chaoyang Min, the order of the elements seemingly corresponding to Mandarin’s de and le does not at all align with predictions based on the syntactic-functional analysis in Mandarin. When the A-not-A questions with de’s dialectal counterparts in Wu and Cantonese are also taken into comparision, it is all the more obvious that the de counterpart in Chaoyang Min shows a strong tendency to position itself close to the predicate. Based on the conjunction analysis of sentence-final particles, these differences can be generalized as a single parameter: whether the initial internal conjunction always chooses de.

The sentence-final [kai⁵⁵] in the Chao’an dialect can be classified as [kai^55-21]_focus and [kai^55-21]_confirm, based on the “[kai^-42]...[kai^55-21]” construction, which serves functions of past-focus and affirmation. However, [kai^55-21]_focus cannot independently serve as a focus marker, nor can [kai^55-21]_confirm function alone as a modal particle. They both require co-occurrence with [kai⁴²] in the “[kai⁴²]...[kai^55-21]” construction. The evolutionary paths of sentence-final [kai⁵⁵] in the Chao’an dialect include: (1) quantifier → indefinite pronoun → definite pronoun → copula → contrastive focus marker; (2) quantifier → indefinite pronoun → definite pronoun → structure auxiliary → contrastive focus marker. The functional development of “[kai^-42]...[kai^55-21]” construction follows the path: Expressing judgment → Marking contrastive focus → Expressing confirmatory mood.

The article examines the corresponding particle of de in Penang Hokkien, a Southern Min variety used in Malaysia, which is [e¹³]. We first distinguish three usages of the sentence-final particle [e¹³] in Penang Hokkien: as a modifier marker, used in clefts, and in sentence-final position. We then examine the syntactic level of the sentence-final [e¹³] in Penang Hokkien while also discussing the system of sentence-final particles in Mandarin. We find that the sentence-final [e¹³] is within the CP layer, specifically in AssertionP. This projection is higher than OnlyP, but lower than Degree SFPs, including focus particles. Despite being in the same projection, Mandarin’s sentence-final de and Penang Hokkien’s sentence-final [e¹³] differ both grammatically and semantically. The article also demonstrates the periphery structure of Penang Hokkien through the order and co- occurrence of sentence-final particles.

This paper concentrates on the function, syntactic category, and layer of the sentence-final de in the left periphery in the Changde dialect. The sentence-final de is analyzed as the head of FocP, whose specifier can be occupied by a contrastive focus introduced by shi or identified by the stress it bears. A general hierarchy of the left periphery in the Changde dialect is “S.AspP < de (FocP) < iForceP < SQP < AttP”.

This paper investigates the grammatical and semantic-pragmatic features of the sentence-final particle de in the Wuhan dialect. The study reveals two distinctive usages of de in the Wuhan dialect that differ from Standard Mandarin: First, the confirmative de in the Wuhan dialect exhibits a broader functional scope, serving both to affirm the truthfulness of a proposition and to verify the occurrence of past events. Second, de can function as a tense marker, indicating either the immediate future or general future tense. The article also compares de with another sentence- final particle le in the Wuhan dialect, noting that although these particles permit interchangeable usage in certain contexts, they maintain distinct grammatical and pragmatic boundaries. Finally, employing the cartographic approach, the paper delineates the syntactic hierarchical relationships among different types of de in the Wuhan dialect.

As a common linguistic phenomenon in ancient Chinese, preposition stranding nearly dies out in Mandarin Chinese and only makes appearance in modern Chinese dialects. In the process of diachronic evolution, prepositional phrases degrade from pP phases into PP projections, which gives rise to different behaviours concerning preposition stranding between ancient times and modern times. This paper makes an analysis of the mechanism of preposition stranding in ancient Chinese and the restrictions concerning the same phenomenon in Mandarin Chinese under the theoretical framework of generative grammar and offers an explanation for preposition stranding in modern Chinese dialect. This paper holds that phase degradation and proper government serve as the intrinsic causes for the difference in preposition stranding in ancient and modern times, and the imbalance of diachronic development offers conditions for preposition stranding in modern Chinese dialects.

This paper analyzes the restriction on the distributivity of Chinese adverbial ge. We propose that ge needs to satisfy the condition of differentiation, which requires that both its sorting key and distributed share contain multiple distinct members, and further delineate the syntactic, lexical, and contextual factors which facilitate differentiation. The paper also addresses ge’s meaning of “difference”, arguing that this meaning of “difference” targets the level of pragmatics and conveys the speaker’s expectation which derives from the condition of differentiation. The notion of differentiation proposed in this paper can give the licensing conditions and semantic properties of ge discussed in the literature a more systemic explanation and uncover more factors which affect the acceptability of ge-sentences.

This paper discusses the meaning of the conjunction huòzhě ‘or’. Firstly, it analyzes the interpretation of the semantic truth value of huòzhě-sentences, and points out that the semantic truth value of some huòzhě-sentences shows a different way from that of the logical meaning of disjunction. Secondly, huòzhě-sentences are categorized from the perspective of the semantic relation of connecting items, indicating that there are different semantic possibilities of the items connected by the conjunction huòzhě. Finally, based on the conceptual dichotomy of “role-value”, the core meaning of huòzhě is summarized as: choosing among multiple alternative “value” to satisfy the requirement of “role”.

Based on spoken dialogue, this study discusses the stance-taking function of the “Lao A le” structure from an interactional perspective. The findings show that the adjectives used this structure are qualitative and comparative in nature, primarily consisting of monosyllabic and disyllabic words. “Lao A le” reflects the speaker’s distinct epistemic stance, including incremental expression, evaluative expression, and counter-expectation expression. It also conveys a clear affective stance, typically expressing positive emotions. Furthermore, it demonstrates the speaker’s attitudinal stance, that is, inviting the hearer to align with their stance, thereby achieving stance alignment. The analysis of epistemic, affective, and especially attitudinal stance in this article offers a new perspective on the study of stance-taking in Chinese discourse.

The Chinese measure word jiān demonstrates exceptional collocational ability in the regions of Hong Kong and Macao, where it can be used not only to measure individual rooms like “classrooms”, but also to quantify nouns with holistic architectural entities or institutional organizations such as “companies”, “schools”, “factories”, and “centres”. This usage differs significantly from the word’s usage in modern standard Chinese. Therefore, this research adopts a corpus-based, data-driven approach to analyze the emergence and evolutionary path of jiān across time and regions. The findings show that, as language continuously evolves, jiān has undergone semantic generalization. In Hong Kong and Macao, the broadened usage has stabilized and persisted, whereas it later experienced semantic narrowing in mainland China, resulting in a reduced collocational capacity.

While nouns typically function as subjects, objects, or modifiers in Chinese and rarely as adverbials, the “noun + cooking verb” structure allows nouns to serve both as adverbials and attributives. Notably, the semantic roles of nouns differ between these two syntactic positions: nouns primarily express manner when used as adverbials, whereas they often indicate patients (affected entities) when functioning as attributives. This structure also exhibits distinctive syllabic configurations. The adverbial-head construction predominantly adopts 2+1 or 1+1 syllable patterns, while the attributive-head construction frequently employs 2+1 or 4+1 syllable patterns that differ significantly from general “noun + verb” syntactic structures. These unique syllable patterns result from pragmatic constraints and frequently appear in recipes.

The present study focuses on the syntax of the sentence-final particle gaa3 in Cantonese from a cartographic perspective. Gaa3 can be observed in three distinct constructions (exclamative, declarative and interrogative) with respect to five different contexts (plain statement, simple information-seeking question, exclamation, warning, and quick-answer-demanding question). By examining the grammatical properties and interpretations of each gaa3, this paper offers a unified syntactic analysis for the different occurrences of gaa3. We argue that Tang’s (2020) framework can well account for the different occurrences of gaa3, which involve different underlying movements. This adds weight to the neo-perfomative approach which aims at syntacticizing properties of speech acts with a fine-grained hierarchy at the left periphery.

On the basis of an extensive investigation of historical literature in Cantonese, it is proposed that the adverbs referring to cai in the Guangzhou dialect has undergone two diachronic substitutions of the dominant word since the early Qing dynasty. Zheng was the primary expression form, which was replaced by zhi by the early 19th century, and then by xian in the mid-20th century. The disyllabic word xianzhi has seen an increase in usage frequency since its emergence, but it has always been in a secondary position. The replacement and diffusion of the adverbs like cai in Cantonese have created a geographical distribution pattern of such adverbs in modern Yue dialects. This study has enlightening significance in examining the kinship, evolution speed, evolution mechanism, and literature nature of Chinese dialects.

This paper comprehensively describes the functions of the conjectural particle [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] in the Yangjiang Yue dialect, along with its pragmatic functions. It contrasts [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] with [kwa³³] in the Guangfu Yue dialect and [pa⁰] in Mandarin. Based on a synchronic analysis, the study reconstructs the grammaticalization pathway and pragmatic extension trajectory of [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹], while exploring the origin of its conjectural meaning. The findings demonstrate that [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] has undergone a grammaticalization process from conjectural adverb to conjectural particle. Both of its pragmatic functions emerging in discourse derive directly from the pragmatic extensions of its core conjectural semantics. Furthermore, the conjectural semantics likely originate from the earlier function of [mɐt⁵⁵ tsei²¹] as a degree adverb. This functional expansion not only represents a new case of the adverb > modal particle grammaticalization pattern in the Yue dialect but also corroborates the cross-linguistically attested extension model: quantity > epistemic modality > pragmatic function, which is observed in Chinese and even the world languages.

The disyllabic tentative marker kanqiao in the Nanjing dialect conveys meanings of both attempt and warning, each exhibiting distinct syntactic distributions. Kanqiao is derived from the contraction of kankanqiao and has undergone grammaticalization to become a tentative marker through syntactic reanalysis. Kanqiao mostly conveys the meaning of pseudo attempt (warning), showing functional differentiation from the monosyllabic tentative markers kan/qiao, which typically indicate genuine attempts. This phenomenon is prevalent in Chinese dialects, and its fundamental motivation lies in the different perspectives of human cognition and understanding of the attempted action.

The plural markers of the Yixian dialect in Anhui Province are nong and wu. Nong is essentially an associative plural marker derived from nouns denoting people. It usually follows highly identifiable personal pronouns or proper nouns, indicating a group of people associated with the core noun. Wu is essentially a similative plural marker originating from nouns referring to objects. It typically follows non-specific inanimate nouns or verb phrases, denoting a category of items or events sharing similar characteristics with the core noun. Nong and wu can be regarded as two different manifestations of the same plural function, with their differences arising from their distinct etymological sources.

The grammaticalization of content words is an important aspect in the study of Chinese grammar. This paper examines the multifunctional usage of hou in the Hanshan dialect and finds that hou can be used as both a verb and a conjunction. As a conjunction, it introduces time clauses and conditional clauses; however, its ability to introduce counterfactual conditionals is less developed compared to Mandarin. The paper also explains the motivation and mechanism of the grammaticalization of hou from a verb to a conjunction in terms of syntactic semantics, context, and invited inference. It gives indirect evidence supporting the analysis of hou as a conjunction.

There is a unique AAAA pattern in Hakka dialects. It is generated through quadruplication of a monosyllabic word (or morpheme), with tonal variation involving rises and falls in pitch. Such forms are typically used as adjectives that are characterized by vividness and emphasis. Comparative analysis shows that the tonal variation is not necessarily linked to tonal categories, but is related to tonal types. Combinations of suprasegmental features such as pitch and duration have solidified into prosodic patterns in Hakka dialects. With the expansion of the semantic range and the influence of analogical processes, AAAA words undergo lexicalization and become prosodic words. Subsequently, some verbs and a few adjectives enter this prosodic structure, and through quadruplication, they develop into adjectives that imitate the situation. While retaining some of the original semantic features of the base form A, the AAAA pattern acquires additional semantic properties, including [+imitative (including onomatopoeic)], [+dynamic], [+continuous process], and [+intensified degree]. AAAA patterns in Mandarin and other Chinese dialects serve as morphological devices. In contrast, they function as word-formation mechanisms in Hakka dialects.

This study employs sociolinguistic methods to examine the use of erhua words in the spoken language of 205 Beijing residents. It is found that erhua words are still active in the daily conversations of contemporary Beijing residents, although with significant individual differences in usage. Age and education are important social factors influencing the use of erhua words. Females, teenagers, and students use fewer erhua words, and their expressions are relatively standardized. Over the past 40 years, the use of erhua words has experience a noticible decline, with some vulgar erhua words nearly disappearing. Additionally, interpersonal differences in usage have also significantly decreased. However, the standardization of language use and the positive attitude of Beijing residents towards erhua words still ensure its continued use.

The Mengjin dialect exhibits both non-retroflex and retroflex types of er-diminutives. This paper focuses on the developmental sequence of retroflex er-diminutives, the emergence of the flap in retroflex er-diminutives, the stratification of rhotacized finals, and the replacement of non- retroflex er-diminutive finals with retroflex ones. We argue that the appearance of the flap results from the spreading of the retroflex feature either to apical initials or to the medial [i-/y-]. When the flap follows an apical initial, it indicates that the retroflex feature has extended leftward to the initial. When it appears after the medial [i-/y-], it suggests the retroflexion is limited to the medial. The flap thus reflects the articulatory response of apical initials or medials to retroflexion, forming a dynamic composite segment with the associated phoneme. The non-retroflex er-diminutives represent the indigenous, underlying rhotacized layer in the Mengjin dialect, while retroflex er- diminutives have emerged through contact with neighbouring dialects and belong to the loan layer. The replacement of non-retroflex er-diminutives with retroflex ones reflects a process of layered phonological change.

This article explores the phonology of the dialect spoken in the Ailing area of Yangzhou during the Qing Dynasty, based on the analysis of a newly discovered dialectal rhyme dictionary. Building upon this historical foundation, modern dialect materials are employed to systematically trace the phonological evolution of the Ailing dialect since the Qing Dynasty. The results reveal that over the past century, the evolution of Ailing dialect is intricate, encompassing changes driven by both internal and external factors. Internal factors encompass phenomena such as *ɻ>l/__Hongyin, *ɻ>∅/i___, *ɻ>∅/i____,*ts^ʰ、s>tɕ^ʰ、ɕ/i____,*iʔ>ieʔ. External factors, conversely, account for phenomena such as the loss of aspiration in voiced initials with the oblique tone, alterations in the pronunciation of colloquial and literary readings of Division-Ⅲ rhymes within the Jia (假) rhyme group, the disappearance of the colloquial pronunciation of Division-Ⅰ nasal coda rhymes in the Xian and Shan rhyme groups, and the reclassification of shangsheng tone with voiced initials into qusheng tone. Particularly noteworthy is the evolution of the dialect in the Ailing area, which has undergone a transition from the Tairu dialect region to the Hongchao dialect region.

This study focuses on native speakers of the Lahu language and investigates the language processing mechanisms of Lahu nouns and verbs using ERP experiments with vocabulary judgment tasks. The results reveal that there are semantic differences between the categories of nouns and verbs in Lahu language, especially in the early and late processing stages. In the early stage, a direct mapping from phonological form to conceptual representation is observed, with Lahu nouns eliciting a more positive P2. The middle stage involves deep semantic analysis, where Lahu verbs elicit a more negative N400 than nouns. In the late stage, the reconfirmation of semantic information occurs, and Lahu nouns elicit a more positive LPC compared to verbs.